Message to Allied Nations on the Persian Gulf Crisis
President Bush broadcast this message four days before Congress voted on a joint resolution to use force against Iraq.
Topic: Persian Gulf War
Please study this document and answer the following questions.
More than 5 months ago, in the early morning hours of August 2d, Iraqi
forces rolled south and the rape of Kuwait began. That unprovoked invasion
was more than an attack on Kuwait, more than the brutal occupation of
a tiny nation that posed no threat to its large and powerful neighbor.
It was an assault on the very notion of international order.
My purpose in speaking to you, the people of countries united against
this assault, is to share with you my view of the aims and objectives
that must guide us in the challenging days ahead. From the center of the
crisis in the Middle East, to people and countries on every continent,
to the families with loved ones held hostage, to the many millions sure
to suffer at the hands of one man with a stranglehold on the world's economic
lifeline, Iraq's aggression has caused untold suffering, hardship, and
uncertainty.
In the more than 5 months since August 2d, Iraqi troops have carried
out a systematic campaign of terror on the people of Kuwait -- unspeakable
atrocities against men and women and, among the maimed and murdered, even
innocent children. In the more than 5 months since August 2d, Iraq's action
has imposed economic strains on nations large and small -- among them
some of the world's newest democracies at the very moment they are most
vulnerable. And yet, Iraq's aggression did not go unchallenged.
In the 5 months since August 2d, the world has witnessed the emergence
of an unprecedented coalition against aggression. In the United Nations,
Iraq's outlaw act has met a chorus of condemnation in 12 resolutions with
the overwhelming support of the Security Council. At this moment, forces
from 27 nations -- rich and poor, Arab and Muslim, European, Asian, African,
and American -- stand side by side in the Gulf, determined that Saddam's
aggression will not stand.
We're now entering the most critical period of this crisis. For the
past 5 months, Saddam has held the world and the norms of civilized conduct
in contempt. In the next few days, Iraq arrives at a deadline that spells
the limit of the civilized world's patience.
Let me be clear about the upcoming deadline. January 15 is not a ``date
certain'' for the onset of armed conflict; it is a deadline for Saddam
Hussein to choose, to choose peace over war. The purpose of declaring
this deadline was to give Saddam fair warning: Withdraw from Kuwait, without
condition and without delay, or -- at any time on or after that date --
face a coalition ready and willing to employ ``all means necessary'' to
enforce the will of the United Nations.
Every one of us, each day of this crisis, has held out hope for a peaceful
solution. Even now, as the deadline draws near, we continue to seek a
way to end this crisis without further conflict. And that is why, back
on November 30, I offered to have Secretary Baker travel to Baghdad to
meet with Saddam Hussein. And that is why, even after Saddam failed to
respond, failed to find time to meet on any of the 15 days we put forward,
I invited Iraq's Foreign Minister to meet with Secretary Baker in Geneva
on January 9th.
In Geneva, we will be guided by the will of the world community -- expressed
in those 12 U.N. resolutions I mentioned a moment ago. I didn't send Secretary
Baker to Geneva to compromise or to offer concessions. This meeting offers
Saddam Hussein a chance -- possibly the final chance -- before the U.N.
deadline to resolve by peaceful means the crisis that he has created.
Saddam may seek to split the coalition, to exploit our sincere desire
for peace, to secure for himself the spoils of war. He will fail -- just
as he has failed for more than 5 months. I know that pressures are now
building to provide Saddam some means of saving face, or to accept a withdrawal
that is less than unconditional. The danger in this course should be clear
to all. The price of peace now on Saddam's terms will be paid many times
over in greater sacrifice and suffering. Saddam's power will only grow,
along with his appetite for more conquest. The next conflict will find
him stronger still -- perhaps in possession even of nuclear weapons --
and far more difficult to defeat. And that is why we simply cannot accept
anything less than full compliance with the United Nations dictates: Iraq's
complete and unconditional withdrawal from Kuwait.
I began by saying that Iraq's action was more than an attack on one
nation -- it is an assault on us all, on the international order we all
share. We who have witnessed in this past year an end to the long years
of cold war and conflict, we who have seen so much positive change, stand
now at a critical moment, one that will shape the world we live in for
years, even decades, to come.
The key now in meeting this challenge is for this remarkable coalition
to remain steadfast and strong. If we remain in the days ahead nations
united against aggression, we will turn back not only the actions of an
ambitious dictator; we will, as partners, step forward toward a world
of peace.
Thank you, and may God bless all of you.
Note: This message was recorded January 6 at Camp David, MD, and it
was broadcast at noon on January 8 over the U.S. Information Agency WORLDNET
satellite network. In his message, President Bush referred to President
Saddam Hussein and Foreign Minister Tariq `Aziz of Iraq and Secretary
of State James A. Baker III. A tape was not available for verification
of the content of this message.
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President George H.W. Bush Speaks to Congress about a "New World Order" Address
In this March 1991 speech, President Bush discusses U.S. foreign policy in the aftermath of the Gulf War.
Topic: Persian Gulf War
Please study this document and answer the following questions.
In March 1991, President George H. W. Bush spoke to Congress after the end of the Gulf War in Iraq. In his speech, he outlined a "new world order" that had replaced the bipolar politics of the Cold War era. According to Bush, this new world order would be organized around the international communities' efforts to halt aggression by the powerful over the powerless.
March 6, 1991 (extracts). This speech has often been cited as the administration’s principal policy statement on the postwar order in the Middle East.
... Tonight I come to this House to speak about the world – the world after war.
The recent challenge could not have been clearer. Saddam Hussein was the villain, Kuwait the victim. To the aid of this small country came nations from North America and Europe, from Asia and South America, from Africa and the Arab world, all united against aggression.
Our uncommon coalition must now work in common purpose to forge a future that should never again be held hostage to the darker side of human nature.
Tonight in Iraq, Saddam walks amidst ruin. His war machine is crushed. His ability to threaten mass destruction is itself destroyed. His people have been lied to, denied the truth. And when his defeated legions come home, all Iraqis will see and feel the havoc he has wrought. And this I promise you: for all that Saddam has done to his own people, to the Kuwaitis, and to the entire world, Saddam and those around him are accountable.
All of us grieve for the victims of war, for the people of Kuwait and the suffering that scars the soul of that proud nation. We grieve for all our fallen soldiers and their families, for all the innocents caught up in this conflict. And, yes, we grieve for the people of Iraq, a people who have never been our enemy. My hope is that one day we will once again welcome them as friends into the community of nations.
Our commitment to peace in the Middle East does not end with the liberation of Kuwait. So tonight let me outline four key challenges to be met.
First, we must work together to create shared security arrangements in the region. Our friends and allies in the Middle East recognise that they will bear the bulk of the responsibility for regional security. But we want them to know that just as we stood with them to repel aggression, so now America stands ready to work with them to secure the peace.
This does not mean stationing US ground forces on the Arabian Peninsula, but it does mean American participation in joint exercises involving both air and ground forces. It means maintaining a capable US naval presence in the region, just as we have for over 40 years. Let it be clear: our vital national interests depend on a stable and secure Gulf.
Second, we must act to control the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the missiles used to deliver them. It would be tragic if the nations of the Middle East and Persian Gulf were now, in the wake of war, to embark on a new arms race. Iraq requires special vigilance. Until Iraq convinces the world of its peaceful intentions – that its leaders will not use new revenues to re-arm and rebuild its menacing war machine – Iraq must not have access to the instruments of war.
And third, we must work to create new opportunities for peace and stability in the Middle East. On the night I announced Operation Desert Storm, I expressed my hope that out of the horrors of war might come new momentum for peace. We have learned in the modern age geography cannot guarantee security and security does not come from military power alone.
All of us know the depth of bitterness that has made the dispute between Israel and its neighbours so painful and intractable. Yet, in the conflict just concluded, Israel and many of the Arab states have for the first time found themselves confronting the same aggressor. By now, it should be plain to all parties that peacemaking in the Middle East requires compromise. At the same time, peace brings real benefits to everyone. We must do all that we can to close the gap between Israel and the Arab states – and between Israelis and Palestinians. The tactics of terror lead nowhere. There can be no substitute for diplomacy.
A comprehensive peace must be grounded in United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and the principle of territory for peace. This principle must be elaborated to provide for Israel’s security and recognition, and at the same time for legitimate Palestinian political rights. Anything else would fail the twin tests of fairness and security. The time has come to put an end to Arab-Israeli conflict.
The war with Iraq is over. The quest for solutions to the problem in Lebanon, in the Arab-Israeli dispute, and in the Gulf must go forward with new vigour and determination. And I guarantee you: no one will work harder for a stable peace in the region than we will.
Fourth, we must foster economic development for the sake of peace and progress. The Persian Gulf and Middle East form a region rich in natural resources with a wealth of untapped human potential. Resources once squandered on military might must be redirected to more peaceful ends. We are already addressing the immediate economic consequences of Iraq’s aggression. Now the challenge is to reach higher – to foster economic freedom and prosperity for all people of the region.
By meeting these four challenges, we can build a framework for peace. I’ve asked Secretary of State Baker to go to the Middle East to begin the process. He will go to listen, to probe, to offer suggestions, and to advance the search for peace and stability. I have also asked him to raise the plight of the hostages held in Lebanon. We have not forgotten them, and we will not forget them.
To all the challenges that confront this region of the world, there is no single solution, no solely American answer. But we can make a difference. America will work tirelessly as a catalyst for positive change.
But we cannot lead a new world abroad if, at home, it’s politics as usual on American defense and diplomacy. It’s time to turn away from the temptation to protect unneeded weapons systems and obsolete bases. It’s time to put an end to micro-management of foreign and security assistance programs, micro-management that humiliates our friends and allies and hamstrings our diplomacy. It’s time to rise above the parochial and the pork barrel, to do what is necessary, what’s right and what will enable this nation to play the leadership role required of us.
The consequences of the conflict in the Gulf reach far beyond the confines of the Middle East. Twice before in this century, an entire world was convulsed by war. Twice this century, out of the horrors of war hope emerged for enduring peace. Twice before, those hopes proved to be a distant dream, beyond the grasp of man.
Until now, the world we’ve known has been a world divided – a world of barbed wire and concrete block, conflict and cold war.
Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a "world order" in which "the principles of justice and fair play ... protect the weak against the strong ..." A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfil the historic vision of its founders. A world in which freedom and respect for human rights find a home among all nations.
The Gulf war put this new world to its first test, and, my fellow Americans, we passed that test.
For the sake of our principles, for the sake of the Kuwaiti people, we stood our ground. Because the world would not look the other way, Ambassador [Saud Nasir] al-Sabah, to-night, Kuwait is free.
Tonight as our troops begin to come home, let us recognise that the hard work of freedom still calls us forward. We’ve learned the hard lessons of history. The victory over Iraq was not waged as "a war to end all wars." Even the new world order cannot guarantee an era of perpetual peace. But enduring peace must be our mission ...
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